jueves, 18 de agosto de 2016

PESCADOR SALVADOREÑO COMPLETA RUTA DE CRISTÓBAL COLÓN.





On 18 November 2012, a day after being ambushed at sea by a massive storm, Alvarenga was trying to ignore the growing pond of seawater sloshing at his feet. An inexperienced navigator might have panicked, started baling and been distracted from his primary task: aligning the boat with the waves. He was a veteran captain and knew that he needed to regain the initiative. Together with his inexperienced crewmate, Ezequiel Córdoba, he was 50 miles out at sea, slowly negotiating a route back to shore.
The spray and crashing waves dumped hundreds of gallons of seawater into the boat, threatening to sink or flip them. While Alvarenga steered, Córdoba was frantically tossing water back into the ocean, pausing only momentarily to allow his shoulder muscles to recover.
Alvarenga’s boat, at 25 feet, was as long as two pick-up trucks and as wide as one. With no raised structure, no glass and no running lights, it was virtually invisible at sea. On the deck, a fibreglass crate the size of a refrigerator was full of fresh fish: tuna, mahimahi and sharks, their catch after a two-day trip. If they could bring it ashore, they would have enough money to survive for a week.
The boat was loaded with equipment, including 70 gallons of gasoline, 16 gallons of water, 23kg (50lb) of sardines for bait, 700 hooks, miles of line, a harpoon, three knives, three buckets for baling, a mobile phone (in a plastic bag to keep it dry), a GPS tracking device (not waterproof), a two-way radio (battery half-charged), several wrenches for the motor and 91kg (200lb) of ice.
 Alvarenga had prepared the boat with Ray Perez, his usual mate and a loyal companion. But at the last minute, Perez couldn’t join him. Alvarenga, keen to get out to sea, arranged to go with Córdoba instead, a 22-year-old with the nickname Piñata who lived at the far end of the lagoon, where he was best known as a defensive star on the village soccer team. Alvarenga and Córdoba had never spoken before, much less worked together.
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Alvarenga tensely negotiated their slow advance toward the coast, manoeuvring among the waves like a surfer trying to glide and slice his way through. As the weather worsened, Córdoba’s resolve disintegrated. At times he refused to bale and instead held the rail with both hands, vomiting and crying. He had signed up to make $50. He was capable of working 12 hours straight without complaining and was athletic and strong. But this crashing, soaking journey back to shore? He was sure their tiny craft would shatter and sharks would devour them. He began to scream.
Alvarenga remained sitting, gripping the tiller tightly, determined to navigate a storm now so strong that harbourmasters along the coast had barred fishing boats from heading out to sea. Finally he noticed a change in the visibility, the cloud cover was lifting: he could see miles across the water. Around 9am, Alvarenga spotted the rise of a mountain on the horizon. They were approximately two hours from land when the motor started coughing and spluttering. He pulled out his radio and called his boss. “Willy! Willy! Willy! The motor is ruined!”
“Calm down, man, give me your coordinates,” Willy responded, from the beachside docks in Costa Azul.
“We have no GPS, it’s not functioning.”
“Lay an anchor,” Willy ordered.
“We have no anchor,” Alvarenga said. He had noticed it was missing before setting off, but didn’t think he needed it on a deep-sea mission.
“OK, we are coming to get you,” Willy responded.
“Come now, I am really getting fucked out here,” Alvarenga shouted. These were his final words to shore.
As the waves thumped the boat, Alvarenga and Córdoba began working as a team. With the morning sun, they could see the waves approaching, rising high above them and then splitting open. Each man would brace and lean against a side of the open-hulled boat to counteract the roll.
But the waves were unpredictable, slapping each other in midair, joining forces to create swells that raised the men to a brief peak where they could get a third-storey view, then, with the sensation of a falling elevator, instantly drop them. Their beach sandals provided no traction on the deck.
Alvarenga realised their catch – nearly 500kg (1,100lb) of fresh fish – was making the boat top heavy and unstable. With no time to consult his boss, Alvarenga went with his gut: they would dump all the fish. One by one they hauled them out of the cooler, swinging the carcasses into the ocean. Falling overboard was now more dangerous than ever: the bloody fish were sure to attract sharks.
Furious, he picked up a heavy club normally used to kill fish and began to bash the broken engine
Next they tossed the ice and extra gasoline. Alvarenga strung 50 buoys from the boat as a makeshift “sea anchor” that floated on the surface, providing drag and stability. But at around 10am the radio died. It was before noon on day one of a storm that Alvarenga knew was likely to last five days. Losing the GPS had been an inconvenience. The failed motor was a disaster. Now, without radio contact, they were on their own.
The storm roiled the men all afternoon as they fought to bale water out of the boat. The same muscles, the same repetitive motion, hour after hour, had allowed them to dump perhaps half the water. They were both ready to faint with exhaustion, but Alvarenga was also furious. He picked up a heavy club normally used to kill fish and began to bash the broken engine. Then he grabbed the radio and GPS unit and angrily threw the machines into the water.
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The sun sank and the storm churned as Córdoba and Alvarenga succumbed to the cold. They turned the refrigerator-sized icebox upside down and huddled inside. Soaking wet and barely able to clench their cold hands into fists, they hugged and wrapped their legs around each other. But as the incoming water sank the boat ever lower, the men took turns leaving the icebox to bale for frantic 10- or 15-minute stints. Progress was slow but the pond at their feet gradually grew smaller.
Darkness shrank their world, as a gale-force wind ripped offshore and drove the men farther out to sea. Were they now back to where they had been fishing a day earlier? Were they heading north towards Acapulco, or south towards Panama? With only the stars as guides, they had lost their usual means of calculating distance.
Without bait or fish hooks, Alvarenga invented a daring strategy to catch fish. He kneeled alongside the edge of the boat, his eyes scanning for sharks, and shoved his arms into the water up to his shoulders. With his chest tightly pressed to the side of the boat, he kept his hands steady, a few inches apart. When a fish swam between his hands, he smashed them shut, digging his fingernails into the rough scales. Many escaped but soon Alvarenga mastered the tactic and he began to grab the fish and toss them into the boat while trying to avoid their teeth. With the fishing knife, Córdoba expertly cleaned and sliced the flesh into finger-sized strips that were left to dry in the sun. They ate fish after fish. Alvarenga stuffed raw meat and dried meat into his mouth, hardly noticing or caring about the difference. When they got lucky, they were able to catch turtles and the occasional flying fish that landed inside their boat.
Within days, Alvarenga began to drink his urine and encouraged Córdoba to follow suit. It was salty but not revolting as he drank, urinated, drank again, peed again, in a cycle that felt as if it was providing at least minimal hydration; in fact, it was exacerbating their dehydration. Alvarenga had long ago learned the dangers of drinking seawater. Despite their longing for liquid, they resisted swallowing even a cupful of the endless saltwater that surrounded them.
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“I was so hungry that I was eating my own fingernails, swallowing all the little pieces,” Alvarenga later told me. He began to grab jellyfish from the water, scooping them up in his hands and swallowing them whole. “It burned the top part of my throat, but wasn’t so bad.”
After roughly 14 days at sea, Alvarenga was resting inside the icebox when he heard a sound: splat, splat, splat. The rhythm of raindrops on the roof was unmistakable. “Piñata! Piñata! Piñata,” Alvarenga screamed as he slipped out. His crewmate awoke and joined him. Rushing across the deck, the two men deployed a rainwater collection system that Alvarenga had been designing and imagining for a week. Córdoba scrubbed a grey five-gallon bucket clean and positioned its mouth skyward.
Dark clouds stalked overhead, and after days of drinking urine and turtle blood, and nearly dying of thirst, a storm finally bore down on the men. They opened their mouths to the falling rain, stripped off their clothes and showered in a glorious deluge of fresh water. Within an hour, the bucket had an inch, then two inches of water. The men laughed and drank every couple of minutes. After their initial attack on the water supplies, however, they vowed to maintain strict rations.
map of missing fisherman Salvador Alvarenga’s  journey

 Alvarenga’s journey from Mexico to the Marshall Islands. Illustration: Guardian Graphics
After weeks at sea, Alvarenga and Córdoba became astute scavengers and learned to distinguish the varieties of plastic that bob across the ocean. They grabbed and stored every empty water bottle they found. When a stuffed green rubbish bag drifted within reach, the men snared it, hauled it aboard and ripped open the plastic. Inside one bag, they found a wad of chewed gum and divided the almond-sized lump, each man feasting on the wealth of sensorial pleasures. Underneath a layer of sodden kitchen oil, they found riches: half a head of cabbage, some carrots and a quart of milk – half-rancid, but still they drank it. It was the first fresh food the two men had seen for a long time. They treated the soggy carrots with reverence.
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When they had several days’ worth of backup food, and especially after they had caught and eaten a turtle, Córdoba and Alvarenga briefly found solace in the magnificent seascape. “We would talk about our mothers,” Alvarenga recalled. “And how badly we had behaved. We asked God to forgive us for being such bad sons. We imagined if we could hug them, give them a kiss. We promised to work harder so they would not have to work any more. But it was too late.”
After two months at sea, Alvarenga had become accustomed to capturing and eating birds and turtles, while Córdoba had begun a physical and mental decline. They were on the same boat but headed on different paths. Córdoba had been sick after eating raw seabirds and made a drastic decision: he began to refuse all food. He gripped a plastic water bottle in both hands but was losing the energy, and motivation, to put it up to his mouth. Alvarenga offered tiny chunks of bird meat, occasionally a bite of turtle. Córdoba clenched his mouth. Depression was shutting his body down.
The two men made a pact. If Córdoba survived, he would travel to El Salvador and visit Alvarenga’s mother and father. If Alvarenga made it out alive, he’d go back to Chiapas, Mexico, and find Córdoba’s devout mother who had remarried an evangelical preacher. “He asked me to tell his mother that he was sad he could not say goodbye and that she shouldn’t make any more tamales for him – they should let him go, that he had gone with God,” Alvarenga told me.
“I am dying, I am dying, I am almost gone,” Córdoba said one morning.
“Don’t think about that. Let’s take a nap,” Alvarenga replied as he lay alongside Córdoba.
“I am tired, I want water,” Córdoba moaned. His breath was rough. Alvarenga retrieved the water bottle and put it to Córdoba’s mouth, but he did not swallow. Instead he stretched out. His body shook in short convulsions. He groaned and his body tensed up. Alvarenga suddenly panicked. He screamed into Córdoba’s face, “Don’t leave me alone! You have to fight for life! What am I going to do here alone?”
To deal with losing his companion, Alvarenga simply pretended he hadn't died. 'How do you feel?' he asked the corpse
Córdoba didn’t reply. Moments later he died with his eyes open.
“I propped him up to keep him out of the water. I was afraid a wave might wash him out of the boat,” Alvarenga told me. “I cried for hours.”
The next morning he stared at Córdoba in the bow of the boat. He asked the corpse, “How do you feel? How was your sleep?”
“I slept good, and you? Have you had breakfast?” Alvarenga answered his own questions aloud, as if he were Córdoba speaking from the afterlife. The easiest way to deal with losing his only companion was simply to pretend he hadn’t died.
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Six days after Córdoba’s death, Alvarenga sat with the corpse on a moonless night, in full conversation, when, as if waking from a dream, he was suddenly shocked to find he was conversing with the dead. “First I washed his feet. His clothes were useful, so I stripped off a pair of shorts and a sweatshirt. I put that on – it was red, with little skull-and-crossbones – and then I dumped him in. And as I slid him into the water, I fainted.”
***
When he awoke just minutes later, Alvarenga was terrified. “What could I do alone? Without anyone to speak with?” he told me. “Why had he died and not me? I had invited him to fish. I blamed myself for his death.”
But his will to live and fear of suicide (his mother had assured him that those who kill themselves will never go to heaven) kept him searching for solutions and scouring the ocean’s surface for ships. Sunrise and sunset were best, as blurry shapes on the horizon were transformed into neat silhouettes and the sun was bearable. With his eyesight fine-tuned, Alvarenga could now identify a tiny speck on the horizon as a ship. As it approached, he would identify the type of vessel – usually a transpacific container ship – as it growled by. These sea barges ploughed the sea effortlessly, and with no visible crew or activity on deck, they were like drones at sea. Every sighting pumped Alvarenga with an energy boost that jolted him to wave, jump and flail for hours. About 20 separate container boats paraded across the horizon, yet the maddening ship-tease still excited him. Storms battered his small boat, but as he got farther out to sea, the storms seemed to become shorter, more manageable.
Alvarenga let his imagination run wild in order to keep sane. He imagined an alternative reality so believable that he could later say with total honesty that alone at sea he tasted the greatest meals of his life and experienced the most delicious sex. He was mastering the art of turning his solitude into a Fantasia-like world. He started his mornings with a long walk. “I would stroll back and forth on the boat and imagine that I was wandering the world. By doing this I could make myself believe that I was actually doing something. Not just sitting there, thinking about dying.” With this lively entourage of family, friends and lovers, Alvarenga insulated himself from bleak reality.
When he was a small boy, his grandfather had taught him how to keep track of time using the cycles of the moon. Now, alone in the open ocean, he was always clear as to how many months he had been adrift; he knew he had seen 15 lunar cycles while drifting through unknown territory. He was convinced his next destination was heaven.
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He was whizzing along on a smooth current, when suddenly the sky filled with shore birds. Alvarenga stared. The muscles in his neck tightened. A tropical island emerged from the mist. A green Pacific atoll, a small hill surrounded by a kaleidoscope of turquoise waters.
Hallucinations didn’t last this long. Had his prayers finally been answered? Alvarenga’s racing mind imagined multiple disaster scenarios. He could blow off course. He could drift backward – it had happened before. He stared at the land as he tried to pick out details from the shore. It was a tiny island, no bigger than a football field, he calculated. It looked wild, without roads, cars or homes.
With his knife, he cut away the ragged line of buoys. It was a drastic move. In the open ocean, with no sea anchor, he could readily flip during even a moderate tropical storm. But Alvarenga could see the shoreline clearly and he gambled that speed was of greater importance than stability.
In an hour he had drifted near the island’s beach. Ten yards from shore, Alvarenga dove into the water, then paddled “like a turtle” until a large wave picked him up and tossed him high on the beach, like driftwood. As the wave pulled away, Alvarenga was left face down in the sand. “I held a handful of sand like it was a treasure,” he later told me.
 Making radio contact after landing on Ebon Atoll. Photograph: Ola Fjeldstad
The famished fisherman crawled naked through a carpet of sodden palm fronds, sharp coconut shells and tasty flowers. He was unable to stand for more than a few seconds. “I was totally destroyed and as skinny as a board,” he said. “The only thing left was my intestines and gut, plus skin and bones. My arms had no meat. My thighs were skinny and ugly.”
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Although he didn’t know it, Alvarenga had washed ashore on Tile Islet, a small island that is part of the Ebon Atoll, on the southern tip of the 1,156 islands that make up the Republic of the Marshall Islands, one of the most remote spots on Earth. A boat leaving Ebon searching for land would either have to churn 4,000 miles north-east to hit Alaska or 2,500 miles south-west to Brisbane, Australia. Had Alvarenga missed Ebon, he would have drifted north of Australia, possibly running aground in Papua New Guinea, but more likely continuing another 3,000 miles towards the eastern coast of the Philippines.
As he stumbled through the undergrowth, he suddenly found himself standing across a small canal from the beach house of Emi Libokmeto and her husband Russel Laikidrik. “As I’m looking across, I see this white man there,” said Emi, who works husking and drying coconuts on the island. “He is yelling. He looks weak and hungry. My first thought was, this person swam here, he must have fallen off a ship.”
After tentatively approaching each other, Emi and Russel welcomed him into their home. Alvarenga drew a boat, a man and the shore. Then he gave up. How could he explain a 7,000-mile drift at sea with stick figures? His impatience simmered. He asked for medicine. He asked for a doctor. The native couple smiled and kindly shook their heads. “Even though we did not understand each other, I began to talk and talk,” Alvarenga told me. “The more I talked, the more we all roared with laughter. I am not sure why they were laughing. I was laughing at being saved.”
After a morning of caring for and feeding the castaway, Russel sailed across a lagoon to the main town and port on the island of Ebon to ask the mayor for help. Within hours a group, including police and a nurse, had come to rescue Alvarenga. They had to persuade him to get on a boat with them back to Ebon. While they nursed this wild-looking man back to health and tried to coax out details of his journey, a visiting anthropologist from Norway alerted the Marshall Islands Journal.El Salvad
Written by Giff Johnson, the first story went out under the Agence France-Presse (AFP) banner on 31 January and outlined the remarkable contours of Alvarenga’s story. Reporters in Hawaii, Los Angeles and Australia scrambled to reach the island to interview this alleged castaway. The single phone line on Ebon became a battleground, as reporters tried to discover tantalising details. Alvarenga’s story had enough hard facts to make it plausible: the initial missing person report, the search-and-rescue operation, the correlation of his drift with known ocean currents, and the fact that he was extremely weak.
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But a debate erupted online and in newsrooms around the world: was this the most remarkable survivor sinceErnest Shackleton, or the biggest fraud since the Hitler diaries? Officials tracked down Alvarenga’s supervisor, who confirmed that the registration number of the boat he had washed up in was the same as the one that had left port on 17 November 2012, and vanished. Guardian reporter Jo Tuckman interviewed Mexican search-and-rescue official Jaime Marroquín, who detailed the desperate hunt for Alvarenga and Córdoba that followed. “The winds were high,” Marroquín said. “We had to stop the search flights after two days because of poor visibility.”
I began to investigate, talking to people up and down the coast of Mexico. I looked at medical records, studied maps, and spoke to survival experts, ranging from the US Coast Guard to the Navy Seals, as well as Ivan MacFadyen and Jason Lewis, two adventurers who have crossed that stretch of the Pacific. I spoke with oceanographers and commercial fishermen familiar with the area. Everyone confirmed that Alvarenga’s version of life at sea was in line with what they would expect. When he arrived at hospital in the Marshall Islands, he was debriefed by US embassy officials who described multiple scars on Alvarenga’s very damaged body. “He was out there for a long time,” the US ambassador sa
Meanwhile back in the Marshall Islands, Alvarenga’s medical condition steadily worsened. His feet and legs were swollen. The doctors suspected the tissues had been deprived of water for so long that they now soaked up everything. But after 11 days, doctors determined that Alvarenga’s health had stabilised enough for him to travel home to El Salvador, where he would be reunited with his family
He was diagnosed with anaemia and doctors suspected his diet of raw turtles and raw birds had infected his liver with parasites. Alvarenga believed the parasites might rise up to his head and attack his brain. Deep sleep was impossible and he thought often of Córdoba’s death. It was not the same to be celebrating survival alone. As soon as he was strong enough, he travelled to Mexico to fulfil his promise and deliver a message to Córdoba’s mother, Ana Rosa. He sat with her for two hours, answering all her questions.
Life on land has not been straightforward: for months, Alvarenga was still in shock. He had developed a deep fear of not only the ocean, but even the sight of water. He slept with the lights on and needed constant company. Soon after coming ashore, he appointed a lawyer to handle the media requests that came in from all over the world. He later changed representation, and his former lawyer filed a lawsuit demanding a million-dollar payout for an alleged breach of contract.
It wasn’t until a year later, when the fog of confusion subsided and he scanned the maps of his drift across the Pacific Ocean, that Alvarenga began to fathom his extraordinary journey. For 438 days, he lived on the edge of sanity. “I suffered hunger, thirst and an extreme loneliness, and didn’t take my life,” Alvarenga says. “You only get one chance to live – so appreciate it.”
• This is an edited extract from 438 Days by Jonathan Franklin, published by Macmillan at


martes, 10 de noviembre de 2015

438 días. LIBRO DE NÁUFRAGO SALVADOREÑO

El diario británico The Guardian, en su edición de este sábado dio a conocer parte de la edición del libro del náufrago salvadoreño titulado “438 Días” y que fue escrito por Jonathan Franklin.
 

En la obra se detalla la historia que pasó el salvadoreño Salvador Alvarenga, luego de permanecer 438 días a la deriva hasta que fue rescatado en Islas Marshall, en el Pacífico Sur.
 
El autor del libro detalla la cruel realidad que vivió el salvadoreño desde que desapareció con su amigo Ezequiel Córdoba, frente a las costas de México en noviembre del 2012.
 
En uno de los capítulos se narra cómo Córdoba, de origen mexicano, falleció al poco tiempo de estar a la deriva y obligadamente Alvarenga tuvo que lanzar el cuerpo al mar, por el alto grado de descomposición que implicaba.
 
Para la edición de la obra “438 Días”, el periodista Jonathan Franklin entrevistó a Salvador Alvarenga en 40 ocasiones. En las entrevistas el naufragó reveló con lujo de detalles cómo hizo para sobrevivir en alta mar.

El protagonista cuenta cómo tuvo que luchar contra la soledad, la depresión y sobre todo contra los pensamientos suicidas que en varias ocasiones cruzaron por su mente.
 
En sus páginas se descubre cómo el frágil hombre tuvo que sobrevivir como el mítico Jonás en alta mar: en la más extrema soledad y atacado por frecuentes alucinaciones.

Alvarenga se ha convertido en una celebridad mundial y se sabe que algunos guionistas planean rodar una película sobre la odisea.
 
En otro de los episodios se narra que luego que fuera encontrado por las autoridades marinas en islas Marshall, una niña logró comunicarse con él en español, ya que la pequeña era fanática del programa infantil de Dora la Exploradora.

El libro solo ha aparecido en inglés a un costo de 16.99 libras y se desconoce cuándo llegará a las librerías salvadoreñas y si será traducido al castellano.
 

lunes, 7 de septiembre de 2015

Nuevas teorías, nuevos hallazgos y nuevos estudios

Nuevas teorías, nuevos hallazgos y nuevos estudios[editar]

El actual debate sobre la llegada del hombre a América se caracteriza por el apasionamiento que muestran los científicos, la variedad de teorías y subteorías, los resultados contradictorios, la cantidad de estudios y contra estudios y titulares llamativos en los periódicos. Para el público en general se trata de un cuadro de gran confusión.

Las investigaciones genéticas[editar]

Desde la década de 1980, la investigación genética del investigador Goicoche Mendez ha ido ocupando un papel cada vez más destacado en las ciencias sociales y, en particular, en las investigaciones sobre población y ascendencias, disciplina que lleva el nombre de arqueología o antropología genética. Los genetistas utilizan el ADN mitocondrial (ADNmt) para seguir el linaje femenino y el cromosoma Y (ADN-Y) para seguir el linaje masculino.
Flechas prehistóricas amerindias, conservadas en Washington.
  • En 1981, se estableció el mapa del ADN mitocondrial y, en 1990, Douglas C. Wallace determinó que el 96,9% de los indígenas de América estaban agrupados en cuatro haplogrupos mitocondriales (A, B, C, y D), lo que significa una notable homogeneidad genética.29
  • En 1994, James Neel y Douglas C. Wallace establecieron un método para calcular la velocidad con que cambia el ADN mitocondrial. Ese método permitió fechar el origen del Homo sapiens, la famosa Eva mitocondrial, entre 100.000 y 200.000 años adP30 y la salida de África entre 75.000 y 85.000 años atrás. Aplicando este método, Neel y Wallace estimaron en 1994 que el primer grupo humano en ingresar a América lo hizo entre 22.414 y 29.545 años.31
  • En 1997, los brasileños Sandro L. Bonatto y Francisco M. Salzano aplicaron el método sobre el haplogrupo A, casi completamente ausente de Siberia, y obtuvieron resultados que van de 33.000 a 43.000 años adP.32 Estos científicos sostienen que durante miles de años se estableció una gran población en el Puente de Beringia donde se diferenciaron genéticamente, y que es de esa población de la que provienen los primeros migrantes hacia América.
  • El genetista argentino Néstor Oscar Bianchi analizó la herencia paterna en comunidades indígenas sudamericanas y concluyó que hasta el 90% de los amerindios actuales derivan de un único linaje paterno fundador que denominó DYS199T y que colonizó América desde Asia a través de Beringia hace unos 22.000 años.33
  • Más recientemente, el genetista estadounidense Andrew Merriwether, de la Binghamton University, quien perteneciera al equipo de Wallace, sostuvo que la evidencia genética sugiere que América fue poblada mediante una sola población proveniente de Mongolia, como sostenía Aleš Hrdlička. La razón de esto es que en Siberia los haplogrupos A y B casi no se encuentran presentes, mientras que en Mongolia se encuentran los cuatro principales haplogrupos indoamericanos (A, B, C y D), salvo el X.30
Merriwether destaca que los 4 haplogrupos se encuentran presentes en toda América, pero que dentro de ellos pueden localizarse mutaciones genéticas diferentes, según se trate de indígenas de Sudamérica o Norteamérica. Esto sugeriría que, una vez ingresados a América, algunos grupos migraron rápidamente hacia Sudamérica, mientras que otros poblaron Norteamérica y Centroamérica. A su vez, las mutaciones genéticas muestran migraciones entre Sudamérica y el sur de Centroamérica (Panamá y Costa Rica), pero no más allá.30
En 2006, el equipo de Merriwether se encontraba estudiando si las poblaciones modernas de amerindios eran descendientes de los pueblos antiguos que vivían en esos mismos lugares o se trataba de nuevas migraciones que reemplazaron culturas más antiguas.
  • En 2007, un grupo de genetistas estimó que la salida de Beringia debió producirse siguiendo la ruta costera del Pacífico, en un periodo que inicia hace ~19–18 mil años y termina hace ~16–15 mil años (i.e., hacia el final del último máximo glacial).34
  • En 2009, otro equipo de investigadores le dio al poblamiento de América una antigüedad de 15.000 años, basados en cálculos según el reloj mitocondrial aplicado a los linajes mitocondriales.35
  • En 2013 se publicó un estudio donde sus autores defienden que la población nativa americana desciende de ancestros tanto del este asiático como de la zona euroasiática. Se fundamentan en la secuenciación del genoma de un individuo siberiano del paleolítico alto que posee características comunes con la población nativa americana y que habría migrado a través de Asia mezclándose con poblaciones de esta zona y llegando a América por el estrecho de Bering.
  • En 2014, el análisis del ADN mitocondrial del esqueleto de Naia, datado en 12.900 años A.P., encontrado en México, un sistema de cuevas submarinas de Tulum demostró un vínculo genético entre los paleoamericanos y los modernos nativos americanos ya que encontró que Naia tenía el hablogrupo D1, exclusivo de los actuales amerindios, especialmente de América del Sur.36 Los investigadores consideran que su hallazgo es una prueba de que los primeros pobladores de América llegaron provenientes deSiberia.37
  • También en 2014, un estudio del ADN de los restos humanos de un niño de la época Clovis denominados: Anzick-1 probó que estos restos estan estrechamente relacionado con grupos de nativos americanos de América Central y del Sur, pero no con las migraciones posteriores de grupos de Canadá y el Ártico. Este estudio apoya lo que los arqueólogos han sostenido durante mucho tiempo, que América fue colonizada en varias oleadas de poblaciones que cruzaron el estrecho de Bering desde Asia, siendo el más reciente el de Ártico y grupos canadienses. Se demuestra, a su vez, que no hay conexión genética con los pobladores europeos del Paleolítico superior, de forma que este estudio se presta como un fuerte apoyo para el origen asiático de la colonización americana.38

La antigüedad[editar]

La antigüedad del hombre en América está sometida a gran controversia científica. La fecha más tardía es la que sostienen los defensores de la teoría del poblamiento tardío y está relacionada con la Cultura Clovis, que ha establecido sin dudas una presencia humana hace 13.500 a. C. Los defensores de esta teoría sostienen que la fecha de ingreso al continente no pudo ser posterior al 14.000 a.C. porque fue en ese momento cuando se abrió el corredor libre siguiendo el río Mackenzie a través del actual territorio canadiense. Esta hipótesis ha sido definitivamente desmentida por la datación de Monte Verde I (Chile), de 14.800 años.28 A partir de ese piso diversas investigaciones científicas han propuesto fechas muy diferentes, las cuales, sin embargo, se encuentran bajo una fuerte controversia por no presentar evidencia sólida:
La fecha más antigua propuesta hasta el momento ha sido publicada por los científicos brasileños Maria da Conceição de M. C. Beltrão, Jacques Abulafia Danon y Francisco Antônio de Moraes Accioli Doria, que sostienen haber hallado algunas herramientas de cuarcita en el yacimiento de Toca da Esperança, un "chopper", un guijarro con marcas de golpes y una lasca, que fueron datadas en 295.000 a 204.000 años de antigüedad, lo que indicaría presencia de humana anterior al homo sapiens.39 En Calico, cerca deBarstow (California), fueron hallados cerca de 4.000 cantos y lascas de silex presuntamente tallados y 6.000 lascas desecho, con dataciones por diferentes métodos que oscila entre los 135.000 y 202.000 años,40 aunque se ha generado un fuerte debate entre quienes consideran que el material es producto de la mano del hombre41 y quienes creen que son geofactos,42 resultado de meros accidentes de la naturaleza. En Old Crow, en el extremo noroccidental de Canadá, se encontraron, un hueso de bisonte con una marca de corte producida por humanos, que data de hace 72.000 años, así como otros huesos con presuntas marcas de corte, en un estrato datado en más de 300.000 años.43 Para Maria Beltrão y Rhoneds Aldora Perez, fue posible un poblamiento humano en América anterior al H. sapiens, hace más del 300.000 años durante la glaciación illinoiense, realizado por alguna variante del H. erectus, con una industria lítica de cantos y lascas.44 Sin embargo, no se han encontrado fósiles humanos ni aportado otras pruebas que confirmen aquello.

¿América del Sur primero?[editar]

Uno de los elementos que ha llamado la atención de algunos investigadores es la profusión de yacimientos de gran antigüedad en Sudamérica y la escasa cantidad de los mismos en Norteamérica. El dato es llamativo, entre otras cosas, porque Estados Unidos y Canadá han dedicado grandes recursos a investigar los yacimientos arqueológicos, a diferencia de lo que sucede en el sur. No es probable que los yacimientos más antiguos del norte hayan quedado sin descubrir. El dato es llamativo porque, si América fue poblada desde Siberia, los yacimientos más antiguos deberían hallarse en el norte.45
Adicionalmente, algunos estudios han detectado entre los paleoindios suramericanos y norteamericanos diferencias de consideración en genes y fenotipos: aquellos con rasgos más australoides, estos con rasgos más mongoloides. Estos elementos han causado una creciente adhesión de algunos investigadores a la hipótesis de un poblamiento autónomo de América del Sur, no proveniente de Norteamérica. Esta hipótesis se relaciona estrechamente con la teoría del ingreso por la Antártida desde Australia.45

Otras teorías, otras rutas posibles propuestas[editar]

Otras teorías sugieren también otras rutas de migración del hombre hacia América; éstas probables rutas alternas son:
  • Península de Kamchatka (Siberia)-islas Aleutianas (océano Pacífico)-Península de Alaska (Alaska)-Archipiélago Alexander-Isla de Vancouver. Procedencia asiática. Habrían utilizado embarcaciones muy primitivas para el transporte y viaje.
  • Oceanía-Antártida-América del Sur. También habrían utilizado balsas. El antropólogo portugués A. Mendes Correia, quien sostuvo esta hipótesis en 1928, descartó otras rutas de migración.
  • Melanesia-Polinesia-América. También habrían utilizado balsas primitivas. El antropólogo francés Paul Rivet, quien planteó esta teoría en 1943, dijo que el hombre americano es de origen multirracial, por lo que no negaba otra ruta de inmigración. Esto fue contrario a los planteamientos de Aleš Hrdlička y Mendes Correia, quienes sostenían que la procedencia era de una sola raza.
  • Europa-Océano Atlántico-América. Remy Cottevieille-Giraudet documentó entre 1928 y 1931 la hipótesis del origen europeo (Cro-Magnon) de los "pieles rojas" (algonquinos). En 1963, Emerson Greenman planteó la ruta hipotética de la migración europea a América durante el paleolítico superior y el origen europeo de los beotucosde Terranova. Bruce Bradley y Dennis Stanford replantearon en 1999 la existencia de esa migración basados en las similitudes entre la industria lítica solutrense, y la Cultura Clovis, refrendados en las investigaciones de ADN mitocondrial realizadas por Michael Brown. La teoría, conocida como la Solución solutrense, supone que antiguos habitantes de Europa Occidental navegaron por el Atlántico de la era glacial, desplazándose entre los hielos flotantes, de manera parecida a la de los esquimales, hasta alcanzar la costa occidental de América del Norte.
  • En 1950, el español radicado en Argentina Salvador Canals Frau propuso la hipótesis de cuatro grandes corrientes pobladoras: a pie por Beringia, navegando en canoas por las Islas Aleutianas, navegando a través del océano Pacífico para desembarcar en Mesoamérica y navegando a través del océano Pacífico para desembarcar enSudamérica.46
  • Migración seguida de extinción: Bien podrían haber ocurrido una o varias migraciones hace 40.000 años o aún más antiguas, que hubieran dejado trazas aisladas de esta presencia, pero con el resultado de que esos grupos se hubieran luego extinguido antes o contemporáneamente a oleadas humanas posteriores. Respecto de esta razonable hipótesis no existen confirmaciones concluyentes, aunque ciertamente ello en cierto sentido permitiría compatibilizar la diversidad de teorías hasta ahora manejadas.

Algunas conclusiones provisionales[editar]

Más allá de los debates en marcha y la gran cantidad de preguntas y contradicciones que se presentan en el debate científico actual es posible realizar algunas conclusiones precarias:
  1. Es altamente probable que el hombre americano primitivo proceda del continente asiático, especialmente de las estepas siberianas o de la región del Sudeste asiático. Las semejanzas entre grupos poblacionales asiáticos de esas regiones y la mayoría de los aborígenes americanos ha sido objeto de análisis. De todos modos el hecho de que las dataciones de máxima antigüedad que cuentan con consenso de la comunidad científica, Clovis (EEUU, 12.900-13.500 adP) y Monte Verde (Chile, 14.500 adP), se encuentren simultáneamente en América del Norte y en el extremo sur de América del Sur impide sacar una conclusión definitiva sobre este punto. Sin embargo, estas fechas son aún muy recientes frente a otras fechas datadas en diversos lugares de América, que aún no cuentan con el consenso de la comunidad científica. Habrá que esperar que estos estudios se consoliden. Por ejemplo, entre las numerosas cavernas del nordeste de Brasil se encuentra una conocida como Toca do Boqueirāo da Pedra Furada, la cual cuenta con numerosas evidencias de asentamiento primitivo como instrumentos líticos. Sin embargo, se encontraron otros artefactos en cuarzo que son datados de hace 40.000 años. Semejante observación no es aceptada fácilmente por otros estudiosos que dicen que los cuarzos difícilmente tienen formas definidas que puedan ser consideradas manufactura y que no tiene sentido que los supuestos habitantes de la caverna hubiesen preferido el cuarzo a la piedra abundante del lugar. Las objeciones no restan los misterios que abre Pedra Furada y las excavaciones continúan. Pero aún más al sur, en Chile, las excavaciones de Tom Dillehay y otros muchos arqueólogos en Monte Verde revelan restos de comida e instrumentos que se datan de hace 12.000 e incluso 30.000 años. También Monte Verde es contestado por muchos como una de las más antiguas evidencias humanas en América, pero son más contundentes que las que existen en el hemisferio boreal del continente.47
  2. Las culturas prehistóricas y las civilizaciones de América se desarrollaron de manera aislada al resto del planeta.
  3. La Revolución Neolítica americana es original y carece de toda relación con la que se produjo en la Mesopotamia asiática.
  4. El Puente de Beringia desapareció hace 11.000 años (Scott A. Elias21 ) y, con la excepción de los esquimales, que mantuvieron ininterrumpidamente contactos comerciales marítimos de verano entre Siberia y Alaska,48 y con Groenlandia, no hay pruebas contundentes que permitan concluir definitivamente que los pueblosamerindios mantuvieron contactos con pueblos de otros continentes. Sin embargo, está plenamente probado que en 982 los vikingos comenzaron la exploración deGroenlandia y Canadá y, establecieron una aldea en L'Anse aux Meadows (Terranova); pero su penetración en el continente no fue significativa. Los científicos debaten varias evidencias del contacto de los polinesios con los indígenas americanos.49 Otras hipótesis, como la llegada de los fenicios, egipcios, griegos, hebreos, chinos yjaponeses gracias a sus habilidades marítimas, siguen siendo hipótesis de difícil demostración. Menos pruebas hay aún de una eventual presencia de amerindios en los demás continentes.